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|Author||: Alexander G. Markovsky|
|Editor||: Dog Ear Publishing|
Written by a Soviet émigré and scholar of Marxism, the book begins with the author’s recounting of the end of the Cold War. Despite the common perception that democracy defeated communism, the author presents evidence that the Democratic Party has adopted Marxism in a new philosophy he calls Liberal Bolshevism. Mr. Markovsky trucks the origins of Liberal Bolshevism back to the policies of Woodrow Wilson and FDR and chronicles the transformation of the Democratic Party into the Social Democratic Party. Through the prism of Marxism the author traces the rhythms and patterns of the toxic amalgamation of liberalism and socialism from Lenin to Obama and binds together the Democratic Party’s policies into a Marxist-socialist cause that American Social Democrats, just like their Soviet predecessors, are committed to achieving at all costs. Herein, the reader will find a reassessment of accepted postulates exposing the deeply rooted racism and anti-Semitism of the Democratic Party. The book also challenges vested views of socialism and capitalism. Overall, the work is intended as a dissident course of economics and political education. It is explosive and insightful.
|Author||: Alexander G. Markovsky|
|Editor||: Xulon Press|
This book begins with the author s recounting of the end of the Cold War. Despite the common perception that democracy defeated communism, the author presents evidence that the Democratic Party has adopted Marxism in a new philosophy he calls Liberal Bolshevism. Mr. Markovsky traces the origins of Liberal Bolshevism back to the policies of Woodrow Wilson and FDR and chronicles the transformation of the Democratic Party into the Social Democratic Party. Through the prism of Marxism the author traces the rhythms and patterns of the toxic amalgamation of liberalism and socialism from Lenin to Obama. Mr. Markovsky defines President Obama as the most consequential Democratic president of the last century. The major consequence of his presidency is that he has launched the country on a course that, if not altered, will culminate in autocratic government and the abolition of civil liberties. "
|Author||: Richard Pipes|
Pipes is a widely recognized authority on Russia and is currently Baird professor of History at Harvard University. This is the final volume in his magisterial history of the Russian Revolution, covering the period from the outbreak of the Civil War in 1918 to Lenin's death in 1924.
|Author||: Maurice Parmelee|
|Editor||: New York : J. Wiley ; London : Chapman & Hall|
|Author||: Amurice Farr Parmelee|
|Author||: Doug Jenness,Vladimir I. Lenin,Ernest Mandel|
|Editor||: Pathfinder Press (NY)|
A discussion on the political contributions of V.I. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party in the decade and a half prior to the October 1917 revolutionary victory in Russia.
|Author||: David Priestland|
|Editor||: Oxford University Press on Demand|
'Stalinism and the Politics of Mobilization' provides a new explanation of the political violence in Stalin's Soviet Union during the late 1930s by examining the thinking of Stalin and his allies, and placing it in the broader context of Bolshevik ideas since 1917.
|Author||: Alexander Dugin|
Modern political systems have been the products of liberal democracy, Marxism, or fascism. Dugin asserts a fourth ideology is needed to sift through the debris of the first three to look for elements that might be useful, but that remains innovative and unique in itself.
|Author||: Eugene Goodheart|
|Editor||: Cambridge University Press|
This collection of essays and reviews written between 1960 and 1985 are a deliberate response to the current, increasingly specialized forms of criticism.
|Author||: Paul Hanebrink|
|Editor||: Harvard University Press|
“Masterful...An indispensable warning for our own time.” —Samuel Moyn “Magisterial...Covers this dark history with insight and skill...A major intervention into our understanding of 20th-century Europe and the lessons we ought to take away from its history.” —The Nation For much of the last century, Europe was haunted by a threat of its own imagining: Judeo-Bolshevism. The belief that Communism was a Jewish plot to destroy the nations of Europe took hold during the Russian Revolution and quickly spread. During World War II, fears of a Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy were fanned by the fascists and sparked a genocide. But the myth did not die with the end of Nazi Germany. A Specter Haunting Europe shows that this paranoid fantasy persists today in the toxic politics of revitalized right-wing nationalism. “It is both salutary and depressing to be reminded of how enduring the trope of an exploitative global Jewish conspiracy against pure, humble, and selfless nationalists really is...A century after the end of the first world war, we have, it seems, learned very little.” —Mark Mazower, Financial Times “From the start, the fantasy held that an alien element—the Jews—aimed to subvert the cultural values and national identities of Western societies...The writers, politicians, and shills whose poisonous ideas he exhumes have many contemporary admirers.” —Robert Legvold, Foreign Affairs
|Author||: Jordan A. Schwarz|
Looks at the childhood, education, and career of Adolf Berle, describes his work in President Roosevelt's Brain Trust, and discusses his influence on American politics